Is the Green protest movement dead?

Is the Green protest movement dead?
The repression has been brutal, but most effective. Large pro-Mousavi demonstrations, for the most part, no longer take place. Protestors have been intimidated, threatened with mohareb, that is to say, execution for waging war on God, and beaten into submission.
But the regime has not stopped there. Anyone remotely connected to the opposition, or the demonstrators has been arrested, further undermining the movement.
We heard some news about people who are arrested at night and we are worried if it could happen to us, one Tehran resident told AP.
According to the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, more than 230 people have been arrested since the election.
Mousavi’s newspaper, The Green Word, has been shut down, and practically its entire staff arrested.
Seventy professors who had met with Mousavi were also detained for questioning. Associates of former reformist president Khatami have suffered the same fate.
Ebrahim Yazdi, a former aide of Ayatollah Khomeini, told AP:
the people that they have arrested represent a wide spectrum of the political orientation. It is much broader than in the past.
The regime is clearly intent on crushing the movement now, in order to preserve the conservative ruling clique’s monopoly on power.
This wave of arrests has had a chilling effect on all Iranians, and, particulary, on Mousavi supporters: it causes mass paranoia that nowhere's safe; you can't be in your home, you can't be in the hospital. It's much easier to arrest people at night than crack heads in the daylight. There's no camera, there's no proof, there's no pictures, said Afshon Ostovar, a Doctoral student at the University of Michigan, who is writing a dissertation on Iran’s Revolutionary Guards.
Night raids on the homes of Iranians have two additional objectives.
One is to prevent protestors from taking to the roof tops every evening at 10pm to shout God is Great, Death to the Dictator, and other similar slogans, one of the few remaining forms of protest left to those who do not accept the status quo.
The evening ritual dates back to 1979, when opponents of the Shah resorted to it as a form of protest against his brutal and oppressive regime…
There are many things happening that aren't being reported [in the media]. In every neighborhood of Tehran, people are talking about how the Basijis and other security services are coming into their houses and are terrorizing people for shouting ‘AllahuAkbar' from the rooftops, and for congregating, one resident told Human Rights Watch. Private homes are also attacked when the paramilitaries, the Basijis, suspect that they may be harboring fleeing demonstrators.
Secondly, the security forces are determined to eliminate as many satellite dishes as possible, in order to prevent Iranians from tuning in to foreign TV channels (and, in particular, to the BBC’s Persian Television Service ), and thus having access to independent news reports…
The protestors are thus under siege, and have few avenues left to express their outrage over the election results, and the behavior of their leaders.
Mousavi himself is under surveillance, and many of his aides have been arrested.
As such, the beleaguered protest movement is without leadership.
Mousavi (who told reporters I won’t give up. There is no way back) has rather cleverly managed to use the restrictions placed on demonstrations by the regime to his own advantage.
Yesterday, a demonstration ostensibly organized to commemorate the death on June 28th, 1981, of one of the leaders of the 1979 revolution, Mohammad Beheshti, was authorized, and Mousavi supporters, all dressed in black in order to mourn the seventeen protestors who, so far, have been killed by the security forces, took to the streets, shouting God is Great, raising their arms, and making the V victory sign:
there was a sea of people and the crowd stretched a long way onto the main street on Shariati, one witness told the NYT.
The demonstration, predictably, was brutally broken up by the police….
Incidentally, families seeking to retrieve the bodies of their loved ones killed by the security forces are charged a bullet fee (the ones used to kill the hapless victim) of $3000...
It is now clear to Mousavi and his supporters that victory will not come from the streets.
And yet, the Ahmadinejad-Khamenei party has not succeeded in rallying all the regime’s heavyweights to its cause.
The political elite is divided and the hopes of many Mousavi supporters now rest on Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani, who supported Mousavi during the campaign, and heads the Assembly of Experts. The assembly is designed to select the Supreme Leader, and monitor his performance. Currently, he is reportedly trying to have the Supreme Leader function replaced by a leadership committee consisting in two or three members, one of which would be Khamenei.
One Iranian analyst told The Observer’s Peter Beaumont: although Hashemi Rafsanjani is not a popular politician in Iran any more, he is the only hope that Iranians have ... for the annulment of the election. He is the only one who people think is able to stand against the supreme leader.
But the assembly is divided between Rafsanjani supporters, and those of Mohammad-Taqi Mesbah Yazdi, a hardline cleric, and mentor of Ahmadinejad.
It is by no means assured, therefore, that Rafsanjani will prevail.
Indeed, the Expediency Council (a body that advises the Supreme Leader and oversees all branches of the government), also headed by Rafsanjani, confirmed the election results, since they had been approved by the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, who has the last word on issues of import.
Another powerful faction, however, led by, among others, Mohammad Baqer Ghalibaf, mayor of Tehran, and former officer in the Iranian Revolutionary Guards, and Ali Larijani, a rival of Ahmadinejad, and currently the Speaker of Parliament, have ostensibly failed to back the President. What, in the end, will this faction do?
it’s an odd dynamic. The person they have to be loyal to, the supreme leader, has thrown his weight behind this person they despise. Ghalibaf is one of these people, like Larijani, and others had been on the fence, and if there is a tipping point they could go the other way, Karim Sadjadpour, of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, told the NYT…
In essence, the power struggle has not been resolved, and thus continues, no longer in the streets, however, but behind closed doors…
Is there any hope?
More and more Iranians seem to think that there no longer is any.
One hairdresser told Nazila Fathi, of the NYT:
people are depressed, and they feel they have been lied to, robbed of their rights and now are being insulted. It is not just a lie; it’s a huge one. And it doesn’t end.